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| Portrait of a Man |
"Rip
it up and start again," sang Orange Juice in 1983, tearing a
choice page from the book of high modernism. In similar if less modest tone, Virginia Woolfe had once observed, "On or around
December 1910 the whole of culture changed." Yet beginning again from the beginning could be a perversely
conservative gesture, preserving a threatened culture by returning to
its roots, a la Eliot or Pound. What differentiated the
avant-garde from high modernism - and made its influence on popular
culture so pronounced - was not anything more radical in the
aesthetics but rather in aestheticism's conventional opposite,
politics. Nowhere was more
passionately politically radical - nor more belatedly radicalised -
than Russia. It hardly needs to be pointed out that the extraordinary
social-revolutionary successes of Russian society between 1905 and
1924 enlarged the scope for radicalism and the cultural space for
intense scrutiny of the new. A supreme world-historical confidence
thus developed, as found in Mayakovsky, poet of the Revolution and
fierce Bolshevik prophet:
"Throw
Pushkin, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, etc., etc., overboard from the Ship of
Modernity."
The
simple grammatical injunction ("Throw them overboard!") is here elevated to a grade-a formal topos
through which the literary gap between political manifesto and poetry
is either narrowed or erased. Needless to say, the first overboard
were the paternal improvers of the Russian Nineteenth Century. Rip it
up and start again indeed. Yet equally important for the avant-garde
as a new direction of
travel was the construction of a new mode
of travel. Progress as imagined by the nation's forefathers simply
wouldn't do. The avant-garde concern with smashing
cultural legacy - as opposed to preserving it through radical
aesthetic means, a la
Elliot or Pound - also explains its great impact on popular culture.
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| Black Square |
So to Kazimir Malevich then. His defining work, The Black Square on White Background, is frequently described in punctuational metaphors: that is, as either exclamation mark or full stop. In this sense Malevich's key work of visual abstraction is quite often grasped in representational terms. More accurate than the punctuational image in this case, however, is the aforementioned syntactical one: that is, the injunction of the avant-garde. Black Square amounts to a kind of visual correlative to Mayakovsky's "Throw them overboard." (The pair collaborated in 1914 on, of all things, some cartoon satires of the German army). So imposing is the legacy of Black Square that the Tate has chosen to offset it by screening an off-kilter American staging of the opera which inspired it, Victory over the Sun (the stage backgrounds designed by Malevich). Thus "The Icon" (a pointed title for the room; one Malevich would probably approve of) is relatively marginalised in an exhibition which builds teleologically towards it. In the midst of such distraction (fuzzy Californian accents from on screen Futurist antics puncturing any air of reverence), Black Square can paradoxically be approached with fresh attentiveness. Its world historical importance is not foisted on the spectator by the gallery but rather left to hang dangerously in the suitably cacophonous air.
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| The Knife Grinder |
In meta- as opposed to micro-narrative terms, however, the exhibition must be deemed a disappointment. Building teleologically through nationalist agrarianism (Malevich's relatively sentimental attempt to build a specifically Russian visual language of the peasant); to the Franco-Italophile high modernist fusion of Futuro-Cubism; to Black Square itself via Victory over the Sun; and on to the high watermark of Suprematism, the remainder of the retrospective (a startling return to representation, if jarringly surreal where deposited within Stalinist realist forms) is necessarily anticlimactic. More than this, such rational progress contradicts both Malevich's intentions and indeed his method. Nicely exemplary of this is the simultaneity of styles displayed on separate sides of a single canvas. A mirror reflects a gaggle of Russian peasant women on the back of a more prominently displayed Futuro-Cubist piece. Russian avant-gardism was neither a purely organic or Narodnik agrarian phenomenon nor was it a cosmopolitan emulation of the West but a complex articulation of multiple cultural elements.
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| Suprematism |
This simultaneity aside, the moment of Suprematism - surely the big draw here - is inescapably singular. Making up the central section of a circuit of rooms charting Malevich's life's work, the exhibition inadvertently makes one thing clear: the attempt to reintegrate abstraction - especially so violently conceived - into a narrative system of technical and rational development will not work. Similarly with the current Mondrian exhibition at the Turner Contemporary, the staged "escape" of the artist from the trappings of representation into the salvation of abstraction only serves to clarify the unbridgeable divide between the two.
Suprematism
is supremely historical. The foremost function of art in the age of
the avant-garde - at least among its foremost practitioners - was as
a socially transformative, even in
itself revolutionary
practice. Gone were the introspection of Romanticism and the realism
of the Victorian era. As Michael Lowy has said, the German-Jewish
critic Walter Benjamin - perhaps the greatest radical thinker of his
age - engaged in a lifelong critique of liberal and socialist notions
of progress. His intention was to map the possibilities of new modes
of artistic and aesthetic production which defied the inhuman
development of industrial capitalism. Benjamin was, as Lowy argues,
equally an anarchist libertarian and a Jewish spiritualist, grafting
Marxian historical materialism onto a Messianic framework of human
emancipation from the senseless toil of capitalism. The liberal or
socialist ideologies of material progress which had dominated the
Nineteenth Century - and which reached their material crisis in the
First World War - were rejected in favour of new beginnings declared
possible in the here and now - the Jetztseiten
- into which the world had by chance been flung. Benjamin's thought
was of a very avant-garde disposition, one that confronted the
extraordinary barbarity of early Twentieth Century capitalism and
responded in turn equally radically. Revolution was to be understood
not as history's completion, but as an "interruption" of
the relentless technological and industrial carnage wreaked by
history.
Malevich
himself called for an equally radical political transformation: the
dissolution, he said rather casually, of all rational thought. Easier
said than done, you might think. Indeed Malevich's wild political
optimism can only be understood if it is placed in the revolutionary
social context of the War-stricken Russian Empire. Like Benjamin and
other Jewish intellectuals of Eastern and Central Europe, the Russian
avant-garde was convinced not only of the possibility of radical
social transformation but also of the crucial political
responsibility of the artist in carrying it out. Artistic production
was conceived as an integral part of the politics of the revolution.
But what politics and
what revolution? Not,
as it turned out, the stodgy, ponderous world of the Second Socialist
International and its creaking commitment to the development of the
means of production, nor with it the incremental building of
proletarian consciousness in the decaying husk of the old world.
Breaks would become, as the rhythm of the slaughter accelerated,
definitive and completely destructive.
The
very title Victory over the Sun suggests
more than mere Futurist triumphalism but a victory over time itself. The
utopianism of Malevich's empty white backgrounds - blank non-places
outside of historical time - was the crucial basis out of which the
novelty of playful interactions between geometric forms could take
place. "Suprematism is the beginning of a new culture," he
said, "Our world of art has become new, non-objective, pure.
Everything has disappeared; a mass of material is left from which a
new form will be built." Echoing the Messianism of Benjamin,
Malevich even used Orthodox cultural motifs (placing a black square
in the position of an Orthodox religious icon in an exhibition) to
express the spiritual element of his critique of rational progress.
In some cases Malevich was engaged in a meditation on the dissolution
of the symbols of the barbarous old world his art sought to break up,
as suggested by a series of studies of the cross, slowly fading out
of existence. The "interruption" of history (the white
background) created a space in which old forms could be dissolved and
new elements combined (Malevich's overlapping geometric shapes).
In
his writing Malevich contrasted what he called the "order"
established by "accepted additional elements" with "new
additional elements" which arise from new social situations to
challenge them. Thus out of the conventional philosophical opposition
between movement and rest Malevich builds a theory of aesthetic forms
based on revolutionary change. Suprematism is one such change, one of
Benjamin's "interruptions": a revolutionary and
emancipatory intrusion of the "unacceptable" into the flow
of representational forms. New elements gain their strength, Malevich
writes, "by deforming and reconstructing the opposing element of
the norm which falls under its influence." In the last room of
the Tate's Malevich retrospective there is clear evidence of this
"deforming" and "reconstructing" of the
acceptable by the revolutionary: superimposed over sombre
representations of the agrarian peasant world butchered by Stalinism
are striking geometric shapes in bald primary colours. Here again
lurks the formal injunction, now layered
into the old world as
a part of its transformed substance. After the Revolution - indeed
after Stalinism - the world could not simply return to the status
quo ante. However gravely, the
revolutionary energy of the avant-garde tunnelled on.




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